There is a bad theory of religion implicit in the typical historical-founder
assumption.
When someone affirms that “the historical Buddha existed” or “the historical
Jesus existed”, what is actually being asserted? An entire questionable
theory is implicitly asserted about where religions come from, how religions
work, what religions are about, how religions propagate, how they are
concentrated in certain influential individuals who then transform and focus
and re-propagate the religion.
It is true that select, particular individuals do serve to focus and define
religions. Consider the theorist Ken Wilber, for example. He is an actual
person who has worked hard to clarify and make viable the perennial
philosophy. The perennial philosophy is an essentially religious
philosophy — a theory about what occurs as the psyche develops to a fully
developed state and what the ultimate relationship is between the individual
and world or transcendent cosmos.
Does Christianity “come from” a single man, Jesus? What role does the
“historical Jesus” scenario assign to the postulated single man, Jesus?
Conversely, what role do the historical-Jesus deniers assign to, say, the
twenty most Jesus-like actual individuals? It is more subtle than even I
thought to distinguish between the historical Jesus theory and the
no-historical-Jesus theory.
It turns out that both scenarios are actually quite intricate and potentially
are highly qualified, to the point of actually overlapping. The historical
Jesus theory potentially has a surprisingly wide range of different scenarios,
and the no-historical-Jesus theory also potentially has a surprisingly wide
range, not a narrow range, of different scenarios.
I am coming to respect more fully the conclusion of some researchers in the
Jesus Mysteries discussion group, that the theory-categories of “historical
Jesus” and “no historical Jesus” are totally useless and contribute nothing
but harmful confusion. Everything hinges on what a researcher *means* by
“historical Jesus” or “no historical Jesus”.
We can only debate these scenarios if we establish an absolutely clear
definition of what we mean by those two labels, and I am finding that there is
a disarmingly wide range of discussion and debate involved in defining those
two labels. It is very difficult to form a good definition of what the
“historical Jesus” scenario essentially amounts to. It is very difficult to
form a good definition of what the “no-historical-Jesus” scenario essentially
amounts to.
Both scenarios potentially cover a vast range of different scenarios. There
is certainly not a single definitive historical Jesus scenario, nor a single
definitive no-historical-Jesus scenario. Both labels are totally meaningless
without an extended, subtle, and debatable definition. Yes, it is possible to
define an Exhibit A and an Exhibit B, to represent a reference point for the
prototypical historical-Jesus and no-historical-Jesus scenario.
The prototypical historical-Jesus scenario holds that there was only one man
who fit most of the important parts of the New Testament version of history.
Christianity is importantly dependent on that man, and unthinkable without
him; Christianity doesn’t make sense as religion or history without him.
The prototypical no-historical-Jesus scenario holds that there was only one
man who fit most of the important parts of the New Testament version of
history. Christianity is not dependent on any one man, and makes more sense
(as religion and history) without the complicating postulate of such a man.
According to “no-historical-founder” theories of the development of religions,
certain individuals do play an important role in some important but limited
sense. Here is where it immediately becomes very complicated, subtle, and
intractible. The development, origin, and spread of a religion does
importantly depend on the actions of some select, distinctive individuals.
Conventional thinking assumes Paul to have existed as such an individual; on
more solid ground, we should use Constantine as an example. The development
of Christianity is largely focused in the actual man, Constantine, as well as
Luther, for example. Is the development of Christianity largely focused in a
single man, who we may label “Jesus”, or in five or twenty more or less
Jesus-like men, such as rebel leaders (would-be military messiahs) or
spiritual teachers or hierophants?
We need a new theoretic construct such as “degree of dependent focus”. The
prototypical historical Jesus or historical Buddha theory implicitly asserts a
very high degree of dependent focus: the development and spread of the
religion is very importantly and significantly focused in just a single man
whose life and role was like that portrayed for the central founder-figure in
the scriptures.
In contrast, the prototypical no-historical-founder theory implicitly asserts
a very *low* degree of dependent focus: the development and spread of the
religion is *not* very importantly and significantly focused in just a single
man whose life and role was like that portrayed for the central founder-figure
in the scriptures. A problem I have found in surveying all possible
permutations of historical-founder and no-historical-founder scenarios is the
possibility of gradual degrees of shading from one scenario to its opposite.
The origin of Christianity could involve anywhere from one to an innumerable
number of actual Jesus-like men, with the role of a Jesus-like man ranging
anywhere from fitting all of the traditional story elements to only a single
story element, with any number of Jesus-like men fitting any number of the
Jesus story elements. We have an n-dimensional potential space of scenarios.
How helpful is it, really, to frame the search for true history in the
simplistic and inarticulate terms of “historical Jesus” versus
“no-historical-Jesus”? Many scholars now have unearthed some pathetic actual
man who fits a fraction of the Jesus story requirements, and absurdly, have
proudly pronounced that they have found at last “the genuine historical
Jesus”.
Readers then read the work and have to choose whether or not they feel this
scenario’s man qualifies as “the genuine historical Jesus”. When ten other
such books are considered, we see how utterly useless and purely confusing the
whole concept of “the historical Jesus” is.
It is profitable to discuss the merits of particular scenarios, but framing
the range of scenarios in terms of “historical Jesus” has proven problematic
and vague beyond redemption — however, it has led to finding that there is an
embarrassing overabundance of partially Jesus-like men, with no one single
Jesus-like man towering over the rest. Thus I see no alternative to
ultimately ending up with the construct, “degree of dependent focus”.
The problem with the prototypical historical Jesus theory is that it asserts a
very high degree of dependent focus that starkly contradicts the available
evidence, which indicates actually a *low* degree of dependent focus. Instead
of debating in terms of “historical Jesus” vs. “no historical Jesus”, it would
be far more useful and relevant to debate “high degree of dependent focus” vs.
“low degree of dependent focus”.
We can thus usefully and precisely characterize scholars who assert a
“historical Jesus” even though each scholar picks a different man, with a
different combination of classic Jesus attributes: those scholars really do
have something definite and distinctive in common: they all are characterized
by asserting a very high degree of dependent focus on a single central
Jesus-like man for the development and formation of the Christian religion.
Similarly, you can usefully and precisely characterize scholars who assert “no
historical Jesus” — what they actually all have in common, across their
highly divergent scenarios, is that they all are characterized by asserting a
very *low* degree of dependent focus on a single central Jesus-like man for
the development and formation of the Christian religion.
This construct of “high vs. low degree of dependent focus” concisely and
elegantly encapsulates, expresses, and implies everything that I have written
about the problem of the plethora of genuine historical Jesuses and about the
Jesus figure being “essentially and really” a *composite* drawn from a
deliberately extreme and all-encompassing *multitude* of actual men and
mythical figures.
That construct really hits the essence of the difference in thinking style
between the typical historical-Jesus asserters and the typical no-HJ
asserters, overcoming the difficult blurring fact that both camps admit the
existence of multiple (more or less numerous) actual Jesus-like men who were
more or less important. We need a sliding scale and a relevant polar axis.
The most powerful, relevant, useful, and general way of sorting out the
scholars is in terms of what degree they propose Christianity was dependent on
and focused in a single Jesus-like man. Thus in the end the most useful way
to define what we mean by “HJ vs. no-HJ”, or “historical Buddha vs.
no-historical-Buddha”, is in terms of degree of dependent focus.
What is the most essential implication someone makes when they say “there was
a historical Jesus” or “there was no historical Jesus”? How can we usefully
get to the essence of what kind of history that person is asserting? By
understanding the alternatives to be a high versus low degree of dependent
focus.
This reframing of the debate is highly useful even though it still leaves us
with a subtle debate about what it means for the formation of Christianity to
have been highly dependent on and focused in a single Jesus-like man.
I consider myth, correctly understood, to be the same thing as the highest
aspect of religion — this is what I mean by “myth-religion”: it is really,
most meaningfully and profoundly, allegory/metaphor for the intense mystic
altered state such as is triggered by sacred consumption of entheogens. The
elements of this view can all be wrapped up into the construct
“myth-religion-mysticism”.
The official, dominant, low theory of religion holds that religions have a
very high degree of dependent focus on a single historical central founder
figure to whom is attributed the origin of the religion; the religion is based
on the figure and comes from the figure; he is “the central founder figure”
upon whom the religion focuses and to whom the start of the religion is
attributed.
The religion is focused on him as founder; he is a personification of all that
the religion stands for. I here mean to shut out the Paul figure, who is
portrayed as a pillar of the Church, who propagated the religion, but Paul is
not the central figure upon whom the Christian religion is mainly focused.
The Christian is supposed to be somewhat Paul-like, but more importantly
Jesus-like.
The conventional view of Buddhism fits this definition too: while allowing for
previous and later Buddha-type historical men, Buddha is held to be a single
outstanding man upon whom Buddhism is highly dependent and on whom Buddhism is
highly focused. The theory of religious origins I dub “low” is that a
religion proceeds from its central founder figure.
The Christian religion came from Jesus; it is based on the life, teachings,
and actions of the man Jesus. Such a theory of where religion comes from and
what it’s about applies to the theory that the Isis and Osiris religion is
“based on” an actual historical Osiris; according to this way of thinking, for
the origin of the ancient Egyptian religion, there is a high degree of
dependent focus on the life and actions of the man Osiris.
The historical Jesus theory or historical Buddhism theory is not just
incorrect about facts of history; it is a bad theory of where myth-religion
comes from and what myth-religion is really about. Myth-religion in essence
has nothing to do with historical founding-figures, even when it is styled as
emphatically literal. Buddhism and Christianity have often been
hyper-literalized.
Religion really does have some literal elements; for example, the ancients
deliberately modelled actual politics and religion on myth-religion-mysticism,
and they deliberately formed mythic allegory in terms of actual politics and
religion. So yes, actual politics and religion *do* “match” the mythic
histories, but what is the nature of this “match”?
For example, I propose that not only was Christian myth-religion allegorically
based on actual crucifixion, but, in the spirit of ancient thinking,
crucifixion as a form of punishment was also deliberately based on mythic
allegory. The ancient mind deliberately strove to make myth and reality
closely match and comment upon each other, but this is not to be confused with
a “match” in the sense of the mythic history being historically factual.
Their myth and history were *mystically* the same, but not *literally* the
same. This is true for many near eastern religions, or religio-political
regimes, but particularly true in Jewish religion, which took the deliberate
conflation of national history and mythic allegory to as far an extreme as in
any religion. It is not a one-way arrow — that would be against the ancient
way of thinking.
It was a two-way arrow between mythic-mystic allegory and literal politics and
history: as above, so below. How should we think politically and
historically? Look to mystic-myth (archetypes encountered in the entheogenic
intense mystic altered state) for the answer. How should we think mythically,
mystically, and allegorically, in religion? Look to the realm of politics and
history for the answer.
The domains of mystic myth and actual history and politics were used to inform
and guide and justify each other. This interaction of two domains is the only
possible way to fully account for both the literal historical style and
elements in, say, Revelation, as well as the mystic-mythic allegory-domain.
Literalism, or perhaps quasi-literalism, is essential and basic in the Jewish
scriptures, but so is mystic-mythic thinking.
Certainly both domains are present, but we take literalism much too literally
and need a better understanding of how these two domains work together and
interpenetrate even while remaining distinct. Yes, the Jewish scriptures are
full of literalism, in several senses, but they are not simply literalism —
more like a quasi-literalistic way of writing, reporting on quasi-literalistic
practices — a subtle but all-important difference from plain and simple
literalist writing about literalist practice.
The Jewish writings are an integrated historical-styled and mystical-styled
mode of writing about a integrated historical-styled and mystical-styled
religion — full of literalism, and yet, not literalist, just
literalist-styled. Same with Christianity: it was largely created as a
literalist styled religion; that was perhaps the main contribution from the
Jewish religion, that hyper-literalist yet still just ironically *quasi-*
literalist mode of writing and practice.
Christianity was the offspring formed by fusing many god-man Hellenistic
elements with the quasi-literalist styling of Jewish religion. Yes, many Jews
and Christians were literalists, but many of the most important were not.
Even our category of “literalism versus mythic allegory” may be a poor fit
with that character of ancient thinking, which operated more in the mythic
realm because it was highly informed by the entheogenic intense mystic altered
state.
Literalism was used as a style of religion, and surely most people were sober
and rational and could hardly deny the concrete reality they had to constantly
deal with, but compared to moderns with our various combinations of modern
mundane reality and absurd supernaturalism, the ancients instead drew from the
realms of a mundane world that was considered in light of mystic-state
allegory, and from mystic-state allegory that was based on the mundane world.
The ancients saw the world in terms of two mirrors that reflected each other:
the sociopolitical world and the mystic-state allegory realm. Moderns instead
view the world by an unrelated pair of frames: the mundane, lacking any input
from the mystic allegory realm, and the free-floating magical-supernatural
realm, without a feel for mystic-experiencing allegory.
When modern supernaturalists say that Jesus existed, they are combining
non-mystical supernaturalist thinking which the ancient mystic mythmakers
didn’t use, together with an isolated mundane view of the world which the
ancients didn’t use. Our modern categories of thought don’t fit with the
ancient categories of thought, because our mundane world isn’t informed by
mythic mystic-state allegory understood as such.
For those who assert a low degree of dependent focus of a religion on the
historical existence of its central founder figure, there can be in principle
no evidence that is simple evidence for the existence of the founding figure,
because evidence for the existence of a man who is like the founder figure is
not evidence for a high degree of dependence on that particular man.
Thus people who assert a low or high degree of dependent focus hold two
different models of how religions rise and spread, and these two models handle
historical evidence in two different ways.
To assert a low degree of dependence of a religion on a historical central
founder is to assert that religions rise and spread based on the lives and
actions of many people whose lives are somewhat like the idealized central
founder figure, with no one man being exclusively important as the central,
towering person — and therefore, any evidence that may be found, literary or
archaological, for a man who is like the founder figure, will be interpreted
as merely evidence for one among many men whose lives are like that of the
idealized central founder figure.
A key question for debaters to consider is, what sort of evidence can cause a
scholar to change their adherence from one framework of interpretation to the
other? In this case, we must ask what sort of evidence can cause a scholar
who asserts a low degree of dependence of Christianity on a single historical
man to change their mind and assert a high degree of dependence?
What would compel me to say “I change my mind: this new discovery is strong
evidence that Christianity was, it turns out, highly dependent on a single,
central, Jesus-like man”? It would have to be evidence not only that a man
existed who fit the Jesus life story elements, but that *only a single* man
fit the story so well; evidence that one man fit the story much better than
anyone else and that the formation of Christianity is importantly dependent on
this single man and only on this single man.
What would compel a historical-Jesus asserter to say “I change my mind: this
new discovery is strong evidence that Christianity wasn’t, it turns out,
highly dependent on a single, central, Jesus-like man”? It would have to be
evidence that no one man existed who fit the Jesus life story elements far
more than any other man. It would have to be evidence that the formation of
Christianity was *not* importantly dependent on any single man.
The evidence from the no-HJ books, and even from the conventional HJ-asserting
scholars, adds up to just such a demonstration: it is clear by now that the
formation of Christianity was not importantly dependent on a single man who
was Jesus-like and who was far more Jesus-like than any other man. Scholars
now have found a hundred good reasons why Christianity started, but many of
the reasons and scenarios don’t depend on the existence of just one lone man
with a uniquely Jesus-like life.
The current evidence supports the hypothesis of a *low* degreee of dependent
focus of Christian origins on a single man, not a *high* degree of focal
dependence. Yes, the *claim* of originating from a single man has often been
a powerful advantage for some Christian officials, and we could say that the
success of Christianity sometimes depended on the *claim* of originating from
a single historical central founder-figure.
But an important dependence on the *claim* of literal historicity is quite
different than important dependence on the *actuality* of literal historicity.
Some weak thinkers have said that “Christianity wasn’t a Hellenistic
mystery-religion, because Hellenistic mystery-religions don’t literalize their
mythic founder-figures.”
That’s true, but considering the Jewish religion as being an unusually
literalist-styled, historical/political-styled myth-religion, we can now
recognize Christianity as a powerful fusion of the Hellenistic godman
mystery-religion with the Jewish literalist-styled,
historical/political-styled myth-religion. Christianity took the godman and
initiation themes and techniques of Hellenistic religion and added the
quasi-literalist, historical/political-styled techniques and themes from
Jewish religion.
Christianity was a new Hellenistic mystery-religion that *did* literalize its
mythic founder-figures — that literalization, that breaking the rule against
literalization, was precisely what gave this Jewish-Hellenistic hybrid a
competitive advantage over the purely mythic-styled Hellenistic religions.
According to the Church officials, Christianity was superior to Hellenistic
religion because Christianity had *literally as well as*
mythically/mystically, what the Hellenistic religions had *only*
mythically/mystically. Christianity won because it was based on a literal
godman — but to clarify, it won because it was based on the *claim of* being
founded by and founded on a literal godman.
In actuality, Jewish religion provided various combinations of literal and
allegorical messiahs; in this sense, there really was a historical
God-ordained Jesus or twenty of them. We must also remember the similarity of
the emperor cult, divine kings, apotheosis of heroes, and the battle between
King Pentheus and the godman Dionysus — all providing various combinations of
themes about kings, godmen, saviors, historical individuals, and mythic
figures.
The figure of Jesus was designed to strategically fuse all of these into a
single figure who wrapped up into one all the value of historical men such as
Alexander and Caesars, with all the value of the dying-and-rising mythic
godmen, with all the value of the quasi-historical Jewish priest and prophets
and the actual Jewish would-be messiahs. The problem was how to fabricate a
figure even more potent than Caesar, even more potent and universal than the
calculated and synthetic figure of Sarapis.
It was a no-holds-barred utimate battle of extreme competitive
hyper-apotheosis, practically an arms race to create the ultimate nuclear
weapon of cosmic hyper-transcendent divinity combined with all the most
venerated attributes of all historical figures — *many* historical figures
and Jesus-like men and Alexander-like men and heroic warriors, wrapped up into
one figure, who was later only threatened, I surmise, by the counter-venerated
eternal cosmic goddess figure of Mary, Mother of God and Queen of Heaven.
— Michael Hoffman
http://www.egodeath.com — simple theory of the ego-death and rebirth
experience